Terrorism has become a global menace and the war
against terrorism is a continuous process. Terrorists are inventing
novel methods to engage in nefarious activities and various Nations
are fighting back with "Counter Terrorism Technologies" to
tackle the same.
Terrorists have taken their fight to a new level
with active use of technology to cause damage to individuals and
properties. A few years back, it was very difficult to accept that
conepts like Cyber
Terrorism exist. Now it is clear that Cyber Terrorism not
only exists but it can cause serious damage to Critical
Infrastrucures that are relying upon information technology for their
functioning.
India has been facing terrorist activities for many
decades. This has necessiated for the introduction of anti terrorism
initiatives on the part of Indian Government. One such good
initiative that is facing practical difficulties is National
Counter Terrorism Centre of India
(NCTC) of India. There is no second opinion that the NCTC must be
urgently
constituted in India by
Indian Government. However, administrative, political and
technological problems need to be addressed on a priority basis by
Indian Government. The obvious but unsolvable terrorism
dilemma of India cannot be allowed to be continued any longer in
the larger interest of India.
By its very nature and design any proposed NCTC
shall be managed by intelligence and security agencies of India.
India has plethora of intelligence agencies and security agencies.
These include Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), Aviation Research
Centre (ARC), Intelligence Bureau (IB), National Technical Research
Organisation (NTRO) and Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), etc.
However, the administrative and political structure
governing these agencies is highly defective as they are operating in
a decentralised manner. There is no centralised authority or Ministry
that can coordinate or collaborate between different intelligence and
security agencies. Further, there is no Parliamentary
oversight of these intelligence agencies as well.
On top of it Civil Liberties and National Security
requirements of India are not
balanced at all. This would give rise to constitutional issues
and create problems for such agencies in future. For instance, the
immunity request of these agencies for engaging in cyber
deterrent act cannot be accepted in these circumstances that
would be an essential function of NCTC in future.
As Mr. Narendra Modi is committed to keep the
internal security part of Home Ministry with himself, these issues
can be easily managed. The proposed Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
would emerge as a “centralised
national reforms point” of India. The approach regarding the
proposed PMO is much required as that may be a game changer for
India. It would also not be difficult to constitute the proposed NCTC
in these circumstances as the centralised approach towards NCTC would
eliminate interference of different Departments/Ministries. Mr. Modi
can comfortably guide and supervise NCTC from the PMO.
However, NCTC must not be established in the manner
proposed by the previous Government. The “safest and easiest
method” to establish NCTC is to give a Parliamentary Scrutiny to
intelligence agencies and their functioning. In the same legal
framework, establishment and role of NCTC can be formulated.
The NCTC is very significant and essential for the
National
Security of India. Terrorist attacks against India are on
increase and we need a “Specilaised Institution” like NCTC to
provide and analyse valuable intelligence inputs and leads. The real
problem seems to be “lack of coordination and harmonisation”
between the Centre and States and the PMO must resolve this problem
while establishing NCTC.
There are other related problems as well. For
instance, the intelligence infrastructure of India is in big
mess. We need to develop intelligence
gathering skills development in India so that effective
intelligence can be generated, processed and used in real time. On
the legislation front, a legal framework on the lines of Intelligence
Services (Powers and Regulation) Bill, 2011 must be formulated
and enacted by our Parliament. The National
Intelligence Grid (Natgrid) Project of India has already been
launched. However, a legal framework for Natgrid project of India is
also needed as an unaccountable
Natgrid is not a panacea for intelligence failures of India.
Surprisingly, the bureaucrats at Home Ministry have
dropped the reference of NCTC altogether from their proposed report
to Mr. Modi. They believe that NCTC is not a viable project and it
need not to be part of the projects that have to be undertaken on a
priority basis. It seems the bureaucrats are well aware of the
previous dislike of Mr. Modi towards NCTC and they do not wish to
offend him.
This is a highly unfortunate situation. No project
should be dropped simply because Mr. Modi has disliked the same in
the past. It is the constitutional duty of bureaucrats to suggest
inclusion of projects of National Importance keeping aside their own
biases, prejudices or fears. If they simply drop a worth project like
NCTC on the basis that Mr. Modi disliked it in the past nothing is
more embarrassing and unfortunate than such an approach. Even if Mr.
Modi is averse to NCTC as on date, the bureaucrats must suggest the
same. Of course, if there are some other issues, besides personal
preferences or dislikes of Mr. Modi, they must be openly and frankly
communicated to Mr. Modi and let him decide ultimately.
The things and circumstance have changed drastically
and it is high time to analyse projects like NCTC as per contemporary
standards and requirements. The present circumstances are in favour
of constitution of NCTC and the same must be done as soon as
possible.
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